Exemplifying the way secularism turns nationalism to advantage

Establishing abstractive correspondences of equivalence and equality between secularism and nationalism cannot but represent, and only theoretically at that, contexts where national identity undergoes alien religious and linguistic constituents or casts them down in favour of  historical and societal imperatives; as in the United States, for example, where American-ness defines more  in terms of its official Declaration of Independence in 1776, its mid-nineteenth century Frontier ideology, and late-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries pragmatism and conspicuous consumption than in terms of any of the Churches of Western Christendom that separated from the Roman Catholic Church during the Reformation, or the English language it inherited from the thirteen colonies where the English settled in the new continent at the beginning of the seventeenth century. Although I do not systematically tackle the abstractive correspondences of equivalence and equality that are used to tie secularism to nationalism, let me draw attention to my reference to the First Amendment on pages 96 et 97, where I suggest that even in such a situation as the United States, reality negates any indispensable correlation of equivalence or equality between secularism and nationalism.

The dualisms I discuss in parts 4 and 5 show how secularists turn to advantage international market economy or globalization against any form of nationalism whose religious constituent stands against such practices as interest credit and the practice of levying taxes for example.  I explain how establishing abstractive correspondences of equivalence and equality between secularism and nationalism with the help of dualistic correspondences of many kinds equates inexcusably

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